Nineteenth-Century Sociopolitical Reform in America
The mid-nineteenth century brought to America times during which reform was fashionable and revolutionary social movements were a dime a dozen. Many such groups came and went with the winds of change, but some left deeper marks upon American culture and society than their similarly trendy counterparts. Three notable reform groups during this period of societal change were the backers of the movement for institutional reform of asylums, the proponents of the Second Great Awakening, and the supporters of the push for women's suffrage. Each of these social factions experienced its own tribulations, and not all were successful in the complete achievement of their goals, but every one of these three movements provides valuable insight into the robust, stubborn characteristics of human nature in a societal setting.
First, and perhaps foremost, of the reform groups that rose to prominence during the mid-nineteenth century was that which supported the movement for the right of women to vote. While fronted by the issue of suffrage, this group pushed also for other basic rights for women to law and property that were afforded to their male social counterparts. Acting in response to the seemingly sudden recognition of the oppression of minorities from all walks of life (including women, non-whites, and immigrants), this social movement began to proclaim, more and more publicly, the overwhelming domination of the white male populous of the United States. In 1848, the movement for female suffrage and rights reached a peak with the Seneca Falls Convention, which was organized by reform movement activists Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott. Thrusting the issue of women's rights and suffrage fully into the spotlight, the convention issued on 20 July 1848 a document entitled "The Declaration of Sentiments," (Doc. 1) an assertion of equality made to the oppressive men of society. Stating that society is "a history of repeated injuries and usurpations," (Doc. 1) and calling for equal treatment compared that afforded to their male counterparts, the women, through their "Declaration," brought upon the movement criticism for its audacity and conflict with social norms. The document thoroughly riled the chauvinist masses, provoking debate and discussion of women's rights and social roles.
While many people were utterly distraught at the tenacity of the rebellious women involved with this reform movement, the activists clearly portrayed the image of a changing society. Men feared that their passive wives and daughters would become social revolutionaries, or desire to enter into the workplace. These men were generally of the popular, oppressive white majority. Eventually the women and their movement prevailed, winning protection of property rights through the passage of "The Married Women's Property Act," (Doc. 2) which outlined protection for women who owned land outright against seizure or manipulation of their land by their husbands and against any debts her husband may owe. However, attitudes prevailed against the allowance of the other desired rights for decades after the peak of the suffrage movement. Long before more mature stages of equality emerged, male chauvinism enjoyed its supremacy, and men detested that women would deign to usurp their monopolistic power, showing off an utterly despicable facet of human nature that mirrored greed and jealousy.
A second reform, ensconced in great fervor and thrust into the limelight of mid-nineteenth century American society was that of religious ideals under the banner of "The Second Great Awakening." One notable proponent was Joseph Smith, Jr., founder of the Latter Day Movement in the Mormon faith. Among the socially and culturally popular movements he spurred was the acknowledgement of the lack of many truths within the traditional Christian Bible and the belief in a tiered heaven and hell. While a vast majority of society did not latch onto his ideals and teachings, many new followers swarmed to his branch of the Mormon faith in search of salvation and "great truth," creating a large sect of impassioned liberal believers. In a letter to an editor, presumably a draft of a submission to a distributed publication, Joseph Smith, Jr. galvanizes his audience with a statement of his reformative beliefs (Doc. 4). These beliefs had created a strong interest in many to seek further information and involvement in his church and faith, but also provided a small set of political ideals and beliefs. Although his movement of reform was highly rebellious against accepted religious beliefs and traditions, creating conflict with a predominantly traditional Christian government and society, Smith states, in his Letter to the Editor, that "sedition and rebellion [against one's government] are unbecoming every Citizen," (Doc. 4) a clear call for passive action in his movement toward reform and revitalization. Unlike many other entirely socio-economic reform movements of its time, the "Second Great Awakening" was marked by widespread religious fervor and a desire for popularity within salvation and socio-political involvement. While remaining an overall minority within American society, the Mormon sect begun by Joseph Smith, Jr. became vastly successful, garnering for itself many followers in the face of religious and cultural opposition and establishing itself as a notable social movement, and a fairly popular religious and semi-political reform. Showing that society was indeed capable of accomplishing cultural reform, despite social opposition, Joseph Smith, Jr., and other Second Great Awakening leaders, such as James and Ellen White, of the Seventh-Day Adventist Church, proved humanity's ability to accept reform, even with the stubborn lack of acceptance of many other social movements occurring at the time.
Following similarly the trends established by the movement in favor of women's suffrage, though enduring more hardship with fewer victories, a faction of reform operated with the goal of overhauling the state of asylum for mental illness institutions operated across the country. Until this time, few options were available for the care and retention of clinically afflicted people. One was to abuse them and neglect them, locking them down in a private home (this was done more often than not, generally by relatives), but the only other viable option was imprisonment in highly abusive penal facilities, and thus, folks whose crime was nothing more than having been born with an improper gene pattern were sentenced to years of abuse in chains and cages at the hands of the disdainful local health and judiciary officials. As a result of the stories and treatments that emerged from these ad-hoc "solutions," Dorothea Dix, in the 1840's, championed the establishment of asylums for the mentally afflicted, and promoted her sweeping ideals of standards for care and non-abusive caretaking policies, supported heavily by emerging science that suggested cures of mental illness were possible if the patients were properly treated and well attended during their affliction.
While initially successful, Dix's erstwhile campaigns and institutions were ultimately quashed by American society, becoming no better than the prisons and home cellars they replaced. Poorly constructed and loosely maintained with minimal, apathetic staff, the new asylums were highly critiqued, even by Dix. She mentioned in journals of her inspections of these asylums that even in the special institutions patients were treated as dogs, brutally abused and neglected (Doc. 3), just as had been seen before they were admitted to the designated mental health centers. While her inspections and tours managed to bring up the quality of some of the asylums, stigma burned into the nature of human society prevented any useful action during her movement toward reform. The workers hired for these asylums were overwhelmingly apathetic toward their work, while operators of the asylums in managerial positions cared little for the people they were charged with aiding. Communities affected by this situation simply didn't harbor any concerns for the condition of the treatment by the patients in the institutions in the least. Patients of the institutions were outcasts, exiled from their societies. Without close bonds to the victims of the asylum abuse, communities were very reluctant to pay any attention to the needs of the patients. This fragmentation of American society and cultural attitude toward the mentally infirmed ultimately created an image of selfish egocentric isolationism, despite the efforts and small successes of reformers like Dorothea Dix.
During the vibrant years of the nineteenth century, the United States of America experienced a voracity for reform and reform movements that contributed to a wide range of acceptance, which, in turn displayed an interesting picture of the true underlying nature of American culture and society. The women's suffrage movement experienced stress and opposition, yet eventual success on all fronts; the religious reform movement offered extreme success on the wing of trendy spiritual revolution; and the reform of asylums and penal institutions experienced overwhelming opposition and apathy, flailing and stymied in its progression. The common theme prevalent in all three of these reformation scenarios is the domination by which the ruling "majority" of Americans lived and the opposition from them faced by reformers. The difficulties faced by the women's suffrage and institutional reform movements can be attributed to contempt for the dregs of society by its elite domineers, while the overwhelming fervor of the religious renaissance displays the tenacity by which men's persuasions pursued self-indulgence and the "perfect" end. Each movement experienced success and failure to varying degrees, but each gave to America a message of change, betterment, and hope for future generations, in spite of the prejudices of human nature betrayed in society.
References
- (Doc. 1) Stanton, Elizabeth Cady. A History of Woman Suffrage. Vol. 1. (Rochester, N.Y.: Fowler and Wells, 1889), pages 70-71.
- (Doc. 2) Married Women's Property Act (1882)
- (Doc. 3) Dix, Dorothea. Private journal of asylum inspection.
- (Doc. 4) Smith, Joeseph Jr. Letter to W. W. Phelps and others. Kirtland, Ohio. 25 July 1836.
Citation
Eckert, Daniel C. Nineteenth-Century Sociopolitical Reform in America. (2006, May).